America’s five priorities in dealing with the Taliban
With Donald Trump’s return to office, Afghans are closely watching how U.S. policy toward the Taliban will unfold. Many — including women, journalists, minorities, dissidents, liberals, and the diaspora — view this moment with a mix of hope and anxiety, uncertain about what America’s next move will mean for their future. The U.S. government appears to be prioritizing its own interests with a pragmatic, non-ideological approach, showing little concern for Afghanistan’s internal affairs.
Here, I offer a brief look at the five priorities of the Trump administration in Afghanistan — a lens through which we can assess how much opponents of the Taliban can realistically rely on U.S. policy.
1. Release of American prisoners held by the Taliban
One of the Trump administration’s key priorities has been securing the release of American citizens held captive by the Taliban. In the early days of Trump’s presidency, his National Security Advisor, Mike Waltz, warned that the U.S. president would show no mercy to groups or countries that take American citizens hostage.
In line with this stance, the first high-level U.S. delegation, led by Adam Boehler, the president’s special envoy for hostage affairs and accompanied by Zalmay Khalilzad, visited Kabul on March 20, 2025. They met with Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban’s foreign minister. During this visit, an American citizen was released from Taliban custody, with the group citing his release as a gesture of goodwill toward the new U.S. administration.
Shortly afterward, the U.S. State Department removed Sirajuddin Haqqani, leader of the Haqqani Network, his brother Abdul Aziz Haqqani, and their cousin Yahya Haqqani from the “Rewards for Justice” list.
Nearly ten days after the visit, another American hostage, Fidel Hall, was also freed by the Taliban. The exact number of American prisoners still held by the Taliban is unknown, but it is believed that at least three U.S. citizens — including Mahmood Shah Habibi, former head of Afghanistan’s Civil Aviation Authority — remain in Taliban custody.
It is also worth noting that in the final days of Joe Biden’s presidency, two American citizens, Ryan Corbett and William McKenty, were exchanged for Khan Mohammad, a Taliban member imprisoned in the United States.
2. U.S. military equipment left behind in Afghanistan
From Donald Trump’s perspective, the billions of dollars’ worth of U.S. military equipment that fell into the hands of the Taliban is one of the most disastrous aspects of America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan. The former president has repeatedly emphasized the need to reclaim this equipment. He has even linked it to the U.S. financial assistance packages — worth $40 million — that have been directed toward Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, warning that if the Taliban want continued U.S. funding, they must return the equipment. Otherwise, he has threatened, the aid will be cut off.
According to the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, roughly one-third of the $88 billion the U.S. spent to support Afghan security forces was used to procure military equipment — much of which is now under Taliban control. The U.S. Department of Defense has estimated the value of this equipment left behind in Afghanistan to be around $7 billion.
The Taliban have rejected the U.S. demand, calling the equipment “war spoils” that they say were won through jihad and thus will not be returned. In a report by Bloomberg, citing an anonymous source, it was suggested that the United States might even consider providing the Taliban with more advanced military equipment to help them combat the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K).
However, the official U.S. position so far remains focused on Trump’s insistence on the return of the equipment — and the Taliban’s firm refusal.
3. Control of Bagram airfield
The third issue of serious concern for Donald Trump and his administration is the control of Bagram airfield. Trump believes that after the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, China has taken over the base. In a recent speech at the Republican National Committee’s convention, he stated that if he were president, he would have retained control of the Bagram base.
In Trump’s view, Bagram is not important because of Afghanistan itself, but due to its proximity to China’s nuclear facilities. For this reason, in February of this year, Trump expressed interest in deploying a small group of American troops to Bagram to prevent Chinese influence in the region.
In recent days, unconfirmed reports have circulated suggesting that control of Bagram Airfield might be handed back to the United States. However, both Taliban and U.S. officials have denied these claims.
4. Counterterrorism
The fourth priority of the United States in Afghanistan is counterterrorism. According to the Doha Agreement, the Taliban’s primary commitment is to prevent terrorist groups from using Afghan territory to pose threats to the U.S. and its allies. From the U.S. perspective, the most significant terrorist groups capable of threatening its security are Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISIS-K).
Since Al-Qaeda has been significantly weakened and the Taliban show little willingness to suppress it, current U.S.-Taliban cooperation is centered on fighting ISIS-K. This shared enemy has brought the U.S. and the Taliban into a tactical alignment, which may serve to justify American financial and military assistance to the Taliban.
The Taliban also enjoy support from Russia, China, and Iran in their fight against ISIS-K.
5. Gaining Influence Within the Taliban
It appears that one of the U.S.’s strategic priorities in dealing with the Taliban is to gain influence within the group. Internal divisions in the Taliban — particularly between the Kandahari and Haqqani factions — have created an opening for the U.S. to build closer ties with the more pragmatic Haqqani network.
The Kandahari faction, led by Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, is highly ideological and shows no flexibility on engagement with the West. It is also seen as more aligned with Iran, Russia, and China. In contrast, the Haqqani network has historical ties to the United States dating back to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and has shown signs of disagreement on the Taliban leader’s harsh policies on women.
Therefore, the U.S. appears to be attempting to expand its influence within the Taliban through support for the Haqqani network.
Conclusion
Given the priorities the United States has set for itself in Afghanistan, its foreign policy is unlikely to put it on a hostile course with the Taliban or lead to meaningful change in the short term. In other words, the U.S. shows little concern for Afghanistan’s internal affairs — particularly issues of human rights, women’s rights, freedom of expression, ethnic and minority rights, or the formation of an inclusive government.
*Omid Sharafat is the pseudonym of a former university professor in Kabul and an international relations researcher.
