The U.S. and its allies’ military campaign in Afghanistan resembled less a war and more a diplomatic and military carnival. The official reason for their mission was to fight terrorism, but from the slogans and behaviour of the powers behind the intervention, it was clear that they were also indulging in the euphoria of “conquering” the world and celebrating the triumph of “liberal democracy” over “communism.”
They had emerged victorious and believed that the historic struggle over the world’s political order had ended. For them, the time had come for the full establishment of the Western version of democracy.
Afghanistan, which had been considered the last hotbed of the Cold War proxy conflict between “democracy” and “communism,” seemed the perfect place for such a celebration. In this victory parade, the leaders of the U.S.-backed Afghan government also felt they had become important players – as evident by the inflated sense of influence and power among many Afghan officials. They exuded arrogance through their cars, homes, attire, mannerisms, and speeches. It was a grand delusion.
Even Hamid Karzai, who appeared modest compared to some of his domestic rivals, imagined himself an international actor under the shadow of America and NATO’s unmatched wealth and power. This delusion was evident in his speeches. For example, in a 2013 interview, he tried to highlight his own significance and Afghanistan’s place on the world stage: “If such injustices were happening in Burkina Faso, I would have protested.” At that time, Karzai was among the most recognized names in international media, whereas even seasoned journalists might not have known Burkina Faso’s location on a map of Africa or named its president.
It seems that Karzai had every reason to consider himself and his country more important than a relatively obscure and isolated nation such as Burkina Faso—after all, Afghanistan was at the centre of global attention. But when the international community withdrew its political and financial support from Karzai and his allies, they were left defenseless. The country fell into the hands of a terrorist group that openly wages war against freedom, human rights, education, and democracy.
In Burkina Faso, most people can afford basic food as their per capita income is twice that of Afghans. More significantly, girls attend school in that African nation. Meanwhile, Karzai holds his daughter’s 6th grade graduation ceremony with sorrow.
The PDPA leaders also dreamed internationalist dreams and boasted about their role on the global stage, aided in those efforts by Soviet tanks and rubles. Nur Mohammad Taraki was hailed as a brilliant theorist and the genius of the East. If he had lasted a few more years, his selected quotes and “revolutionary guidelines” might have been printed and translated into other languages so the workers movement of the world could learn from him!
During negotiations with the United States over continued support, at the Loya Jirga in November 2011, Karzai claimed that “Afghanistan is a lion, and America must treat it like a lion.” Indeed, our nation deserves to be treated with dignity by the world. But our rulers have always resembled less a lion or even a fox and more like predatory wolves, burden-bearing mules, or sacrificial lambs.
Now it is Mullah Hibatullah’s turn to indulge in the delusion of leading the Islamic world thanks to the Doha Agreement, which helped create his Emirate. His arrogance and self-aggrandizement are even worse than those of Taraki and Karzai. He imagines himself the commander of the believers. Hibatullah came to power in the vacuum left by the disgraceful end of the U.S. and NATO’s so-called “historic” victory. He imagines himself standing at a major historical crossroads, believing he is shaping the path of the Afghan nation and the global Muslim community.
This delusion is evident in his messages and decrees. He has repeatedly told his fighters that “the eyes of the world’s Muslims are upon you” and urged them to appreciate the value of this “victory.”
Mullah Hibatullah and his associates suffer from the illusion that they are founding a new era in Islamic history. When they cut curricula, censor books, or turn universities into madrasas, they believe they are offering a model of thought for the entire Islamic world.
Mullah Hibatullah does not take the other religious leaders of the Islamic world seriously. He claims that his Emirate has no need for their cooperation or guidance. For instance, in a show of “scholarly independence,” he announces religious holidays on different dates than neighbouring countries and major Islamic authorities. This year, Islamic countries including Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia celebrated Eid al-Adha on Friday, June 6. But Mullah Hibatullah declared Eid one day later, in order to appear independent and authoritative in his own right.
He claims to command the most devout Muslim fighters and to have triumphed in jihad. It is even said that he and those around him compare the Taliban’s role in the Islamic world to that of the Ottomans and Abbasids. Because of this grandiose belief, it is unlikely that they will learn from Afghanistan’s past or submit to reality under the weight of social pressure and the challenges of governance. It does not appear that Mullah Hibatullah will free himself from the delusion of a global mission, nor accept that he is not a decisive player, that he lacks the tools to sustain his Emirate, and that if regional or global conditions change, he could be toppled as quickly as Karzai.
Mullah Hibatullah may never accept that the Islamic world does not take him seriously, that the people of Afghanistan do not see him as a leader, and that by today’s standards, he is not a scholar but a poorly educated man. He may only realize the fragility of his Emirate when — like Taraki, that “genius of the East” i— one of his close associates places a hand to his throat, or when — like Karzai, his fellow villager and self-proclaimed “lion” — he is reduced to a puppet due to a shift in foreign actors’ positions.
The rickety Emirate of Mullah Hibatullah will collapse in the next political shake-up. But the real question is: Will the people of Afghanistan learn from these events?
Younus Negah is a researcher and writer from Afghanistan who is currently in exile in Turkey.
