How a small, beautiful city became the epicentre of sectarianism in Pakistan?
The ripple effects of the crises in Pakistan, both large and small, often reach Kabul. Historically, Afghanistan has been a periphery of the Indian subcontinent. Even today, our country feels the waves of events emanating from that region more acutely than elsewhere.
Now, Pakistan is being rocked by growing poverty, illiteracy, fundamentalism, separatism, and sectarianism. One epicentre of sectarianism is Parachinar, a small and marginalized city a mere 100 kilometres from Kabul. What is occurring there reflects many of the signs and factors of Pakistan’s broader crises and have country-wide ramifications.
On November 21, a group of Shia Turi tribal travellers was attacked while on their way from Peshawar to Parachinar. At least 44 people were killed in the attack, including women and children. The next day, thousands protested in several cities across Pakistan. That night, that death toll rose to more than 88 due to armed clashes between tribes in Kurram, of which Parachinar is the capital. Thousands more were displaced.
Although the conflict was temporarily halted through mediation by the provincial government and the intervention of the Pakistani military, there is a possibility that Parachinar and Kurram district could again be engulfed in sectarian wars as it was between 2007-2014. Worryingly, the recent deadly violence is the latest in a series of attacks this year in Kurram. On October 12, another group of travellers was targeted, resulting in 15 deaths.
Where is Kurram, and why is it important?
Kurram is one of the seven regions formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), which were merged into the neighbouring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in 2018. Kurram is located in a narrow strip of land that the British carved out of Afghanistan in the late 19th century to act as a buffer zone between Afghanistan and British India. It stretches for hundreds of kilometres from Bajaur, adjacent to the Dangam district in Kunar, to South Waziristan, bordering the Gomal district in Paktika and is similar to the Wakhan Corridor, which separated British India from Tsarist Russia.
This area was never integrated into British India. Instead, they managed it through a political agent, who acted as the British governor and who oversaw relations between these regions and British India. As such, these tribal agencies were excluded from the reforms and development programs implemented in India. This policy continued after the creation of Pakistan, and, while maintaining a semblance of autonomy, it fostered both deprivation and isolation.
Even after the formal integration of the tribal agencies into Pakistan’s administrative system, the government was still accused of perpetuating deprivation and insurgency in these areas for political purposes. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), led by Manzoor Pashteen, is a prominent advocate of this narrative.
During the past century, these regions have repeatedly served as the bases for insurgents with ambitions toward Kabul. During the second and third Anglo-Afghan wars, the overthrow of Amanullah Khan’s government, uprisings against the regimes of Daoud Khan, the rise of PDPA factions, and ultimately the recent Islamic Republic, these tribal areas were utilized by Kabul’s adversaries. Waziristan, Khyber, and Kurram have been particularly notable in these wars and insurgencies. Among them, Kurram is geographically the closest to Kabul.
Parachinar lies on the southwestern foothills of the same mountain range as Tora Bora. In Black Wave, Kim Ghattas wrote that Pakistani president Zia ul-Haq aimed to transform Parachinar into the primary base for training militants and the command centre for jihad during the 1980s. To this end, Zia ul-Haq incited Sunni jihadist forces against the Shia inhabitants, who resisted his policies. The result was a bloody conflict. According to Ghattas, fourteen villages were completely or partially destroyed, and dozens from both sides were killed or injured. The Shia population of Kurram has always insisted that Zia intended to forcibly displace them from Parachinar.
Between 2007 and 2014, the Haqqani network and Pakistani Taliban spilled significant blood in their attempts to control Parachinar. Today, it is said that the Pakistani military, the Pakistani Taliban, the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement, ISIS-Khorasan, and the Islamic Republic of Iran are all vying for influence in Kurram and its capital, Parachinar.
Demographic composition of Kurram
The residents of Kurram primarily speak Pashto, but they are religiously divided into three main groups: Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims, and a small Christian minority. It is estimated that half of Kurram is Shia, while the rest is Sunni, aside from around 2,500 Christians. In addition, a few Hindu, Sikh, and Ahmadi families also live in this region, according to Pakistan’s 2023 census. This religious diversity, especially the presence of nearly 400,000 Shias, makes Kurram unique in the region.
The Shia population in Kurram belongs to the Turi tribe, which is believed to have settled in the area and abandoned their previously nomadic lifestyle in the 16th century. Over the centuries, the Turi have been in disputes with neighboring tribes such as the Bangash, Mangal, and Maqbil over land and grazing rights. Even today, some conflicts in Kurram are rooted in land disputes, with the Turi accusing Sunni tribes of land encroachment, while Sunni tribes claim that the British resolved land conflicts in the early 20th century in favor of the Turi, thus depriving them of their rightful claims.
Situated on the southwestern slopes of the Safed Koh mountains, Kurram benefits from the monsoon rains of the Indian subcontinent, while the mountains provide a stable water source for the fertile valley. Some believe that the main reason for the ongoing land disputes is the lack of formal land registration. Currently, land disputes are ongoing in 10 villages across five regions of Kurram.
After the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, there was fear exporting the ideology of revolution. During this time, the “jihad” against the Soviets and their influence was also in full swing, with Iran and Saudi Arabia — two key regional players in sectarian conflicts — investing heavily in Pakistan. Kurram became a hotbed of this rivalry, with the Turi tribe frequently clashing with jihadist groups and even the Pakistani military.
Later, during the sectarian wars in Iraq and Syria, thousands of Pakistani fighters either joined ISIS or fought against it. Though Lashkar-e-Zainabiyoun was equipped and managed by Iran, its fighters were Pakistani, and some of those men were Turi. Now that those wars have subsided, thousands of fighters — both pro-ISIS and anti-ISIS — have returned to their homes, including Kurram, along with fresh sectarian grievances and combat skills.
Competition Among Pakistan’s political actors
From October 11 to 13, a gathering took place that was organized by the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM). The attendees were not limited to the tribal areas but included participants from across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Speakers accused the Pakistani government of exacerbating tribal and sectarian conflicts in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. At that time, clashes were ongoing in Kurram, and PTM leader Manzoor Pashteen emphasized the need for Shia-Sunni unity.
A resolution issued on October 13 gave an ultimatum to the Pakistani government and the Taliban: withdraw armed forces from these areas within two months. The gathering pledged that each participating region would provide 3,000 unarmed civilian guards to form a 240,000-strong peacekeeping force. However, neither the insurgents nor the Pakistani government have paid heed to this resolution, and conflicts continue to claim lives in various parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, including Kurram.
The Pakistani government is accused by its critics of fostering insurgency, discriminating in development projects and service delivery, and even fueling divisions to prevent Pashtun unity and the rise of progressive and civil movements like the PTM. In addition, the Taliban are accused of conducting terrorist attacks and stoking sectarian conflicts to counter the PTM’s agenda.
In addition to land disputes, tribal conflicts, sectarianism, and foreign interference, the political players in Pakistan vying for control over this region also contribute to the ongoing bloodshed in Kurram.
With this history, is it any wonder that Parachinar continues to be the epicentre of sectarian conflict?
Younus Negah is a researcher and writer from Afghanistan who is currently in exile in Turkey.
