By Farhad Hussain
In 2022, “The Islamic Emirate and Its System” was published in Afghanistan. The 600-page book was written by Abdul Hakim Haqqani, the Taliban’s chief justice, after being approved by Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the Taliban’s supreme leader. Originally published in Arabic, it has been translated into Farsi-Dari by Mohammad Saleh Mosleh.
At the core of the book are governance-related topics, including women’s education and teaching, the prohibition of co-educational systems, women in politics, and the status of women in Islam. The book can be considered the Taliban’s manifesto, meaning that an examination of its contents can help us understand the regime’s worldview, including its misogynistic attitude toward women, especially when it comes to education.
Education and the teaching of women
In reading Haqqani’s book, a question comes to mind: What is knowledge?
Based on his writings, as well as statements of other senior Taliban leaders – including Muhammad Hanafi, head of the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, and Neda Mohammad Nadeem, director of the Higher Education Ministry – the term “knowledge” breaks down into two components: modern or contemporary sciences and religious studies. Haqqani argues that modern sciences are a necessity, while religious sciences are the aim or goal. Unsurprisingly, the goal is preferred over the necessity. “It is obligatory upon the Islamic Government to prioritize religious teachings over modern teachings,” writes Haqqani, because “the dominance of non-religious sciences causes the Islamic Government to become weak and incapable.”
As well, Haqqani examines why he believes that the predominance of contemporary sciences results in the weakness and incapability of the Islamic State. To him, experience proves that “submerging in new and modern sciences destroys belief and action; it distances the educators and learners from the Quran and Sunnah, the sayings of the predecessors, and the imams, and instead of sharia, they rely on rationality.”
What comes across is that Haqqani and other rulers of the Taliban are afraid of people thinking and behaving rationally. They are also opposed to any means that could guide people towards rationality. For this reason, they fear “new and modern knowledge,” believing such knowledge weakens the “Islamic Government,” rather than the Taliban’s oppression, slaughter, savagery, and violence.
Yet, Haqqani writes nothing about the 750-plus instances in the Quran that call upon people to use reason, contemplate, and employ intellect. Also unclear is the difference between the intelligence that the Quran speaks of and encourages — even commands — and the intellect feared by Taliban leaders and thinkers.
And that brings us to education. “It is upon Muslim rulers and Islamic scholars to strongly prevent people from attending such schools,” Haqqani writes, suggesting that these schools are “influenced by infidels who are trying to corrupt the morals of Muslims and lead them astray from the religion of God.” He believes that men and women should not attend schools and universities. According to this interpretation, these are places of “immorality,” “corruption,” and “obscenity” and it is the duty of Muslim rulers and the Taliban regime to “strongly” prevent men and women from attending such facilities. “The great danger in the prevalence of modern sciences is the corrupt environment in which students study; their gatherings in these schools are of immorality and irreligiosity,” Haqqani writes.
In the view of the Taliban chief justice, education and teaching are permissible because “seeking knowledge is obligatory for every Muslim (male and female).” Therefore, modern and contemporary sciences are a “necessity” for every Muslim — or perhaps only for Muslim men — not an “obligation.” “We are not opposed to the widespread teaching and education of modern sciences; we consider it permissible and believe that people’s livelihoods and work at this time depend on it. Likewise, we consider military advancements necessary for defeating the enemy and meeting other life needs of the people,” he writes. Yet, near that text, Haqqani labels as “ignorant” those who emphasize the vital importance of modern sciences. “Some people who are ignorant about the religion of God claim that people’s livelihood depends on the education of modern sciences, not religious and Islamic sciences; this statement is a great ignorance.”
From his point of view, there are two conditions for learning modern sciences: to be done in proportion to necessity and in alignment with religious sciences. “If a student allocates, for example, one hour to mathematics, agriculture, and chemistry, they should devote at least two other hours to religious sciences, not the other way around,” Haqqani writes.
In “The Islamic Emirate and Its System,” Haqqani devotes considerable time to “the manner of educating and teaching women.” He begins his argument with the premise that “sharia law prohibits women from leaving their homes” and cites as evidence verse 33 of Surah Al-Ahzab of the Quran: “O wives of the Prophet, stay in your homes and remain settled in your places.” To Haqqani, “although the verse is addressed to the wives of the Prophet, it also includes all other women.” He argues that “since the wives of the Prophet are the best models for Muslim women,” we should follow their example.
This is a controversial view, as scholars and commentators have achieved no consensus regarding the meaning of this verse. The same verse also explicitly states that no one has the right to marry the wives of the Prophet after his passing, and they [the Prophet’s wives] also do not have the right to marry anyone else. That poses questions as to the specificity of the directive: When the Quran specifically emphasizes “O wives of the Prophet,” what principles and rules can be applied to generalize this command to all Muslim women? Could God not have directly addressed all women and said, “O Muslim women?”
Haqqani also states that “the honour of women lies in staying in their homes,” citing a hadith from Abdullah bin Masood: “Women should stay in their homes. Even the Prophet of Islam considered women’s prayers at home superior to those in the mosque with a congregation.” However, others have inferred that the wording means that the Prophet did not prohibit women from attending congregational prayers or going to the mosque. Indeed, a hadith narrated from Aisha (one of the Prophet’s wives) states, “If the Prophet had understood what has befallen women, he would have prevented them from going to the mosque just as the women of the Children of Israel were prevented.”
Yet, Haqqani cites this particular hadith to emphasize that “later scholars of our school (Hanafis) have categorically issued a fatwa discouraging women from attending congregations.” There are two issues with his thinking: First, the hadith narrated by Aisha suggests that the Prophet gave his rulings based on the circumstances of his time. So, when the hadith says, “If the Prophet had understood,” it indicates that he was unaware of what would happen after him. Therefore, Aisha’s fatwa suggests that it would be better for Muslim women to be prevented from going to the mosque, just like the women of the children of Israel were. The second issue is far more basic: based on the worldview of the Hanafis, can Aisha, as a woman, be a legislator (“Shaari”) and issue a fatwa?
The contradiction is obvious: on the one hand, the fatwa is given that a woman cannot be a legislator, and on the other hand, the fatwa of a woman is taken as a reference and basis upon which laws and commands are issued.
In discussing how to educate women, Shaikh Haqqani says that women should be educated at home by one of their male relatives because these relatives are more deserving of teaching them.To Haqqani, female educational topics can include prayer, almsgiving (zakat), fasting, inheritance, etc. But if a woman needs to go outside to acquire knowledge, particularly concerning religious matters, then her educator should be another woman. He also states that a woman can go outside to gain knowledge without her husband’s permission. Third, if no female educator is available, the woman can go to a blind man to learn religious matters. Fourth, if it becomes necessary for an unrelated man to teach a Muslim woman, there should be a curtain between the woman and the educator. Haqqani substantiates his argument by citing a Quranic verse that recommends speaking to women from behind a curtain, stating that it is purer for both parties’ hearts. Though those rules are specific to the Prophet’s wives, Haqqani extends them to all Muslim women.
In conclusion, Haqqani’s book buttresses the belief of Taliban leaders that the “best” option for women is to stay at home. Therefore, it’s no surprise that the Taliban declared it unlawful that women attend public and male gatherings. According to what is contained in Haqqani’s writings as well as those of other senior Taliban leaders, the possibility that they will allow girls and women back inside educational centres, schools, and universities appears close to zero. The only possibility of them changing their edicts is if enough pressure is applied by critics so as to make the Taliban feel they have no choice but to comply and allow females return to school.
Farhad Hussain is the pseudonym for a sociologist working in Afghanistan.
